In 1967 CE, on the island of Santorini (or Thera), Spyridon Marinatos began excavating with a team into large deposits of pumice and ash, hoping to discover a vital Minoan settlement. The Greek archeologist believed that the eruption of Thira caused the collapse of Minoan civilization, and that evidence of their existence lay buried under layers of volcanic material and earth (“Archaeology/Akrotiri Digs”). Within a few years, the city of Akrotiri was uncovered, its public and private buildings, sewage systems, tools, furniture, and frescoes tampered with for the first time in approximately 3,600 years (“About Akrotiri”). However, the colorful wall paintings were the most intriguing aspect of the dig; at that time, they were considered to be the best preserved Mediterranean frescoes ever discovered from the Bronze Age ("Spyridon Marinatos").
Although initially destructive, the covering of ash and pumice preserved the elaborate frescoes found within the ancient city. Some of these wall paintings were discovered in a structure called the West House- named this because it was unearthed on the western half of the excavation site. The West House contained two rooms with frescoes- Rooms 4 and 5 (Sorenson 152 & Cartwright “Akrotiri Frescoes”); yet, the ruins of Room 5 were more lavishly decorated than Room 4, and contained “a miniature fresco frieze, which originally surrounded the upper part of all four walls” (Sorenson, Annette, pg. 151). The room was only 4 x 4 x 3 meters square and the images dated back to around 1,650 BCE (Strasser 4 & Stokstad 92). The small fresco frieze was positioned at eye level, and could be easily seen from any point in the small space. One of the most recognized and preserved parts of the frieze is the Flotilla Fresco- located on the top of the South Wall. Several pieces of information can be gathered about the Minoan culture from this one piece. By hypothesizing and comparing the fresco with similar art from trading civilizations, like Egypt, the painting’s similarities and differences can be highlighted. Many similarities exist between trading cultures, because the trade of items also brings about the trade of ideas and technology. These comparisons can help determine the reason a technique was used, the meaning of symbols and subjects, the cause of stylistic choices for the fresco, and the possible reason for the art’s creation. First, Minoan frescoes were created with a technique similar to one Egyptians used. Paints were created from minerals- like calcite, talc, and kaolinite- combined with alkaline resistant pigments and water. The pasty mixture emitted earth tones, bright blues and reds that are now associated with Bronze Age artwork (Westlake 7, 10-12). The Flotilla Fresco utilized these colors to create a cheerful and lively environment; this style contrasts heavily with the Egyptian’s more somber, methodical paintings. These tone difference can be explained by the art’s intended audience. Egyptian wall paintings within tombs or inside of palaces were created for Egyptian rulers as messages to their people and as part of a ritual to get into the afterlife; they were a display of power and a reminder of their importance or divinity. Minoan frescoes were found in both palace-like structures and upper class homes; their frescoes displayed several decorative aspects and could have been used as a display of wealth by the upper class. However, frescoes could also have been used to denote rooms for rituals and ceremonies, or to stand as a reminder of their dependency on the sea. The Flotilla Fresco displays both beauty and a narrative; it is believed to either be a recounting of a lost epic or a yearly festival dedicated to the life-giving sea. The two cultures also had a different approach to applying plaster. For most murals from 1,600 BCE, paint was layered over a base covering of limestone plaster. But, unlike the Egyptians, the Minoans painted on the limestone while it was still wet more often than when it was dry; this technique is called buon-fresco- or true fresco- and it required that the paintings be applied quickly and in sections. As the paint fuses completely with the wet plaster, the mural is more durable than fresco-secco ("Buon fresco"). Fresco-secco allows more detail and precision to be implemented into the painting, whereas buon-fresco preserves the brightness and hue of the color more adequately (Cartwright “Minoan Frescoes”). These benefits may explain why one culture would prefer one technique over the other. Second, the Minoans tended to create art centered around nature, landscapes, and special occasions- like festivals, or coming of age ceremonies- whereas the Egyptians used frescoes to immortalize rulers, and honor gods/goddesses. The difference in subject matter displays a difference in cultural values. Akrotiri was under a different type of governance; the Minoan people were not ruled by one leader or a pharaoh, but by a group of “aristocrats or aristocratic families who established a fluid and evolving power hierarchy” (Stokstad 84). This explains why the Minoans did not seem to utilize the hierarchic scale or create art centered around leader, but of daily life and nature. These two aspects were the most valued aspects of Minoan culture; several pieces of art are dedicated to nature and their culture’s uses of it. In the Flotilla Fresco, nature and humanity is abundant, colorful, and in harmony. Dolphins swim closely beside boats, animals run and hunt near the cities, and humans live closely within the mountainous earth. The fresco not only shows the people’s respect and reliance on nature, but also communicates a special occasion that celebrates these feelings. The Minoans’ unique style, values, and social structure is reflected in the Flotilla Fresco. The role of social class, the importance of nature, and the implication of religious activity are evident through imagery. The style of dress and boat used in the fresco are signs of class, wealth, and status. Egypt, like many other cultures, also used longer, more elaborate clothing as a sign of wealth and power. The figures in the fresco, although small and stylized, wear different styles of clothing. Individuals of the lowest status (either boatmen or a form of slave) wear only a cloth tied about the waist, and can be found rowing boats in the painting. Figures sitting and lounging in the more decorated ships don long robes, which denotes high status and may communicate that they are important participants in a ceremony or festival. Another sign of status in both cultures is the use and appearance of boats. In the Flotilla Fresco, boats range from plain and unpainted, to lavishly adorned with bells, structures for shade, ropes, painted animals, and flowers; these highly decorated boats are also oared by low-status members- another piece of evidence that these robed figures have wealth, status, and influence. The most elaborate boats are adorned with images of lions, which represent political and physical power in both Egyptian and Minoan cultures (Stokstad 92). In addition to the number of people and style of clothes, the number and appearance of decorated boats suggest that it may be a religious festival celebrating a Minoan value- sailing, the sea, or of nature in general (Cartwright “Akrotiri Frescoes”). Although Minoan frescoes were created a bit differently, the way in which figures are painted are very similar to the Egyptian style. Figures are shown in twisted perspective, with the chests displayed in a frontal position and the legs, feet, and head pointed as if in profile (Hendricks). Gender is also handled similarly by the two cultures; males are characterized by having a dark skin tone, whereas females were denoted by having much lighter skin colors. However, because the figures in this fresco are small, this can be difficult to perceive. Lastly, both cultures did not utilize perspective in their artwork, but relied on the positioning of objects, overlapping, and size. In the Flotilla Fresco, distance is indicated by positioning objects above or below another, and objects are all two-dimensional and seemingly flat. In conclusion, a lot of information about ancient civilizations can be gathered from one piece of artwork. Based on knowledge gathered from other civilizations that were known to have traded with the Minoans, the reasons for their stylistic choices can be inferred. The Minoans imported pottery and other artistic objects from the Egyptians and likely adapted their stylistic approaches to figures, symbols, and creating art; eventually, the culture made the style their own, and implemented their own values and concepts. Due to the differences in Minoan and Egyptian rule, the reason their artistic subjects differ can also be reasonably explained. Minoans were ruled by a group of ‘elites’ and the culture did not require images of rulers and kings, but of things that the culture valued, like the sea and daily activities. Much like the Egyptian’s concern with the afterlife and divinity, the Minoan’s value of ordinary life, festivals, nature, and the sea are evident and still communicable in the Flotilla Fresco. Work Cited “About Akrotiri”. Akrotiri Santorini Guided Tours. Notos Travel. Web. 5 Dec. 2015. “Archaeology/Akrotiri Digs”. Santorini.com. Santorini. Web. 5 Dec. 2015. Boundless. “Painting.” Boundless Art History. Boundless, 21 Jul. 2015. Web. 6 Dec. 2015. "Buon fresco". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2015. Web. 6 Dec. 2015 Cartwright, Mark. “Akrotiri Frescoes.” Ancient History Encyclopedia. Ancient History Encyclopedia Ltd., 27 March 2014. Web. 6 Dec 2015. Cartwright, Mark. “Minoan Frescoes.” Ancient History Encyclopedia. Ancient History Encyclopedia Ltd., 29 May 2014. Web. 6 Dec 2012. "Fresco." Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6Th Edition (2015): 1. Academic Search Premier. Academic Search Premier. Web. 6 Dec. 2015. Hendricks, Carol. “The Frescos of Akrotiri.” Art History Blogger. 5 Aug. 2012. Web. 6 Dec. 2015. "Spyridon Marinatos". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2015. Web. 5 Dec. 2015 Sorenson, Annette, et. al. “Miniatures of meaning – interdisciplinary approaches to the miniature frescoes from the west house at Akrotiri on Thera.” (2013): 149-162. Web. 7 Dec. 2015. Stokstad, Marilyn & Michael Cothren. Art History (Volume 1). Pearson, 2014. Print. Westlake, Polly et. al. “Studying pigments on painted plaster in Minoan, Roman and Early Byzantine Crete. A multi-analytical technique approach.” Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry. (2011): 1413-1432. Web. 6 Dec. 2015.
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Originally written on: 1 March 2016
The Fallen Saints America’s fascination with crime, justice, and punishment began in the late 18 th century with the creation of the first penitentiary in Pennsylvania. These mysterious institutions brought about a new system of justice and blocked the public’s eye –one that was used to scrutinizing every detail of a criminal’s punishment. The high, windowless walls and streams of stripe-clad prisoners provoked dark fantasies regarding their tortured souls, and an immense curiosity of their lightless life. As an increasing number of prisons were constructed, literary works emerged to satiate and enthrall readers on the subject; novels referring to offenders and their crimes, the justice system, and ‘historic’ recountings gained popularity, encouraging prisoners to dramatize their own experiences in books and newspaper columns. Notorious individuals like Billy the Kid, H.H. Holmes, John Wilkes Booth, and William Poole were immortalized in these writings, with their lawless actions, heinous essence, and merciless trials that remain relevant even in 21 st century media. The management of 19 th century male criminals were well documented, and several notorious cases are familiar to modern audiences, but their ‘fairer’, female counterparts do not have such a prominent place in common knowledge or contemporary entertainment. These women’s residences and treatments are infrequently discussed, but their stories are just as ominous, just as repulsive, if not more so. In colonial America, misconduct and discipline were rigidly regulated by the community, religious institutions, and any immediate family. As demonstrated in The Scarlet Letter, punishment revolved largely around public humiliation and was delivered equally to both sexes- although certain crimes were linked to only one sex, like witchcraft. Penances were carried out for specific crimes and the number of times they were committed; reparations included physical violence through whipping, branding, flogging, and hanging, societal reimbursement through workhouses, and periods of reflection in the stocks, pillories, and gossip’s bridles (Cox). This system of justice waned in the late 18 th century, when Quakers gained judiciary power and the humaneness/effectiveness of public discipline was questioned. With time and discussion, the number of executions and public displays of humiliation declined; a new form of justice was conceived, one with an intent to reform instead of solely distributing punishment. However, prisons were not numerous or knowledgeable until the mid-19 th century, so the few reformatories available were often overcrowded, poorly managed, unsuccessful social experiments. While a great deal of male thieves, murderers, rapists, arsonists, and drunkards were imprisoned, females usually managed to escape their benevolent reformation. In the early 1800s, women did not have all the rights of citizenship granted to men, including some rights to property. When a woman married, she lost the few rights she did have and “entered a state of civil death” (Crumrin); with the exchange of vows, women lost the ability to create contracts or wills, control their monetary earnings, or take part in additional legal transactions. Due to her inability to directly own property or currency, married women were excluded from debtor or property crimes. Aside from having less liberties to violate, women also had fewer opportunities to commit crimes. Women did not usually work outside of the home, and were typically expected to be within residence throughout the day. Female’s strict, regimented lives kept them out of trouble for the most part, and punishment was still generally enforced by husbands, community elders, and the church. Female imprisonment was typically unnecessary, but was occasionally used to teach a moral or social lesson, reduce the number of women working or living on the streets, and to punish someone the community could not control. Most women’s crimes were nonviolent and disruptive to public order (crimes against property and people were dominated by males, with men’s convictions in the New York State Prison outnumbering women’s fifteen to one), but those that did commit violent crimes (murder, abortion, or child abandonment) were imprisoned, institutionalized, or executed (Freedman 11). Crimes against public order were directed towards women and altered frequently throughout the 19 th century. It encompassed several social and moral crimes that applied exclusively to women of the era, such as adultery, prostitution, begging, and displaying a lusty demeanor (Freedman 14), but also included drunkenness and slander. Although these standards seem one- sided, females were considered not only physical distinctive, but morally unique when compared to men. Women were thought to be naturally pure, having no desire for sexual activity and being more honest and frail than men. Due to their heightened morality, women were deemed responsible for themselves, their children, their spouse, and other men they came into contact with. For these reasons, certain cases of rape or violence were deemed provoked actions -with both parties being punished; any action, speech, or dress that deviated from moral norms was severely penalized, because the violator influenced others to misbehave, was against their God- given nature, and a sign of mental dysfunction that needed to be corrected. These ideals and mindsets allowed prisons to take advantage of its female prisoners, treating them as sub-human, irreparable: “The woman who dared to stray or fell from her elevated pedestal was regarded as having fallen a greater distance than a male, and hence as being beyond any possibility of reformation” (Pishko). A fallen woman”- a label given to those who broke, or were suspected of breaking sexual or moral codes- not only experienced the life-changing event of imprisonment, but experienced harsh social repercussions. After serving her sentence, the fallen women would become an outcast in her community, an ugly blemish upon the face of the earth. Friends and family of both sexes would refuse contact or association with her to preserve their own virtuous reputation, and legal employment would become impossible due to her lifelong branding as a deviant creature. In order to survive, fallen women often committed crimes that would send them into another prison sentence. Prostitution, murder, abortion, infanticide, and child abandonment were only a few acts that could lead to imprisonment; statistics displayed that most offenders were over the age of 25, were white, non-foreign, and committed either a crime of chastity or property (Freedman 14-15, 19-20, 81-88). The first prisons were not intended to house females; separate institutions for the sexes did not appear until the mid-1830s, and not regularly until the 1870s, but prisons made accommodations for the disgraceful individuals, nonetheless. The Auburn Prison, in 1821, New York, created the Auburn Plan, in which criminals were locked in individual cells at night, but were allowed to work in groups silently during the day and earn little money (“The Early Years of American Law”). The Auburn style differed greatly from the small, self-reliant, jailhouse system developed by the Quakers in the 18 th century, but soon became one of the most popular prison systems in America. This regimented plan did not apply to women, though. Above the kitchen, in a small attic, about 30 women were clustered in a filthy, windowless, unattended room for their entire sentence (which could last up to 14 years) in plain, unfitting garments. The group was fed once a day by male inmates- whom impregnated several of the women- but were otherwise neglected (Freedman 15). A separate, nearby section in the prison housed a set of Puckett 5 bulky, wooden chairs embellished with fastenings for the head, arms, and legs; these were used to discipline any unruly behavior, and was one of the few methods used to reform female conduct. In the late 1820s, women were allowed separate quarters in Auburn, and a punishment of solitary confinement. However, one inmate, Rachel Welsh, became pregnant while serving her sentence; she was soon flogged to death by a male officer, whose intentions were suspicious. Her unfortunate ordeal, and the corrupt management of the organization caused the public to take notice. A few years later, men and women were forbidden contact by law, and matrons were hired to keep order in the women’s quarters. Women were taught to behave and work as society expected in dank, dark, cramped rooms, and were encouraged to work in factories or as servants after their sentence. Soon after, a chaplain commented on his visit that “to be a male convict in [Auburn] would be quite tolerable, but to be a female convict, for any protracted period, would be worse than death” (Pishko). Yet, Auburn was not the only prison to act harshly towards its female residents. New York’s Mount Pleasant Female Prison was also overcrowded and squalid, but their rehabilitation program included gagging, straitjackets, and physical violence (Pishko). Nearby, a state prison in Indiana thought to rehabilitate those that had committed crimes of chastity by forcing them into a punishment of sexual labor. A prostitution service was provided to guards and paying inmates, who produced several illegitimate children that were sent to almshouses or orphan trains. Women that had not committed these kinds of crime were sent to a separate facility, dubbed the Chicken Coop, where they ironed, mended and washed prisoners’ clothing for the rest of their term. Unlike other institutions, the women in Indiana were allowed one ‘holiday’ a year, in which they could take a walk in the yard (Freedman 15-16). In the late 19 th century, conditions improved a little for the fallen saints. Mixed prisons were not as common, women were no longer openly neglected or raped, and women who birthed children during their sentence were allowed to serve the rest of their time in almshouses with their infant, but remained under a watchful eye. Matrons exclusively ran the reformed institutions, and headed the process to create ‘ladies’. Women were taught to sew and cook, and the concept of parole was introduced. Female inmates were allowed out of the prison to work as domestic servants if good behavior was continuously displayed. However, this did not mean that they were not disciplined, looked after, or abused, because the servitude required that the master of the house would ensure obedience and good, moral conduct (Pishko). Women of the 19th century dealt often with double standards. While behaving as expected, they were exalted above all others, but when a hint of fallibility, humanity was displayed, they became creatures below man, below human. These pitiable females had few rights or roads to success, relying heavily upon an insecure reputation that could be toppled by one mistake, one voice, one whisper. As most distasteful acts in human history, the deplorable treatment of female misconduct has been forgotten and ignored for lack of modern interest or entertainment. Holmes’ unbelievable ‘murder hotel’ and the romanticized gunslinger, Billy the Kid, excited, shocked, and captivated audiences, while banal evils were left unattended. Literature abounds on those who were nightmare incarnate, morbidly fascinating, but writings unveiling the uncomfortable nature of regulated mistreatment are fewer in number, and far less popular. Yet, the past must be reviewed- even the darkest, vilest corners of history—in order to understand where we came from, where we should go, who we do not want to be, and who we are. What is a woman, and what should be expected of her? Works Cited Ash, Juliet. “Dress Behind Bars.” New York: I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2010. Web. 5 March 2016. Cox, James A. “Bilboes, Brands, and Branks.” Colonial Williamsburg. The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Spring 2003. Web. 5 March 2016. Crumrin, Timothy. “Women and the Law in Early 19 th Century.” Conner Prairie. Connor Prairie Interactive History Park. Web. 28 Feb 2016 Freedman, Estelle B. Their Sisters’ Keeper. The University of Michigan Press, 1981. Web. 3 March 2016. Mallicoat, Stacy L. The Incarceration of Women. Sage Publishing, 2015. Web. 1 March 2016. Pishko, Jessica. “A History of Women’s Prisons”. JSTOR. ITHAKA, 4 March 2015. Web. 4 March 2016. “Punishing Women: A Very Short History 1600s-1873.” Prison Culture. 19 Dec 2010. Web. 5 March 2016. “The Early Years of American Law - Colonial Freedom, Britain's Push for Greater Control, A New Start, A New Criminal Court System.” Jrank. Net Industries. Web. 1 March 2016. Originally written on: 25 September 2015
The Flotilla Fresco is an extensive and vibrant mural that was painted on a smoothed stone wall around 1650 BCE. Although ancient, this wall painting is complex, full of emotion, and bursting with activity and life; it contains several bright hues, line movements, and textures, as well as local wildlife, terrain, and human activity. The Flotilla Fresco appears to have been repaired in several places, which provides contrasting visual texture and noticeable differences in the painting's color quality and pallet. Overall, the mural's color, intended texture, and arrangement/activity of objects and figures represents a joyful remembrance and celebration of this people's life on sea, their cities on shore, and the surrounding nature. First, the mural's lively, varying hues with light values conveys an emotion and overall tone for the piece. Shades of golden and olive yellow, sapphire, steel, and Cambridge blue, maroon and mahogany red, russet brown, and white fill the image. This collection of color radiates feelings of joy, warmth, and excitement; together, these emotional triggers create a mood for the piece- one of celebration and liveliness. Secondly, the colors work as a compositional technique by splitting one form from another- which gives depth, provides visual texture, and creates a sense of motion. The grayish blue sea/sky (they appear to be one form) is heavily contrasted with the reds, browns, whites, and yellows of the mountain, boats, animals, and people. These color differences cause each image to be easily distinguishable to the viewer and makes the figures/terrain 'pop out' from the vast sea; even the dolphins, being part of the sea (sharing a similar blue color of the sky/sea), is lined with white and gold to bring it out of the water. Windows are a darkened brown, conveying an opening in the building, and the brightly painted shape of ships jut out almost fully from the lightly colored water, hinting at flotation. This sense of depth is created without perspective; color, size (only on the far right of the wall), overlapping shapes, and texture is utilized to denote distance. Texture in the Flotilla Fresco is caused by lines and color. Rough, brick buildings are represented in the two cities by thin, horizontal, black paint strokes (with an occasional vertical one) intermingled with golden yellows and browns. Brick buildings are adorned with textured roofs, painted doors (blue), and windows (dark brown) that have smooth textures and no lines; small details like this give spirit and a sense of reality to the town. Texture is also found in the surrounding mountainous terrain. Rocks and dirt are separated into sections by color- a wash of the hue makes up the interior, and darker, concentrated colors run in a wavy, active line around the shape. These organic lines border each layer and produce a rough texture. Grass is hinted at on top of these earthen layers, represented by clumps of diagonal, curved lines. Foliage adds both depth and detail to the piece, building further upon the environment. As for the sea, the pale, mottled blues provide a calm, water/air-like quality that contrasts the boats' textures and patterns. Each ship utilizes sections of unified lines to depict carvings, paintings, and even moving oars. These textures create movement, a lively atmosphere- which adds to the mural's joyful, celebratory tone- and develop a more realistic, detailed setting in which touch, sight, and sound is imaginable. Lastly, the arrangement and activity of figures/objects in the mural suggest an energetic atmosphere and a tone of happiness, excitement, and celebration. First, all animals are either mid-stride or mid-air; dolphins jump out of water beside large ships, twisting and pointing in every direction or angle, while stags race across the top of a mountain away from a lion. Lions, birds, and dolphins decorate the ships' sides in several colors, positions, and patterns. Animals are also placed in close proximity to humans- suggesting a positive relationship with the creatures, and perhaps even feelings of respect or adoration. Second, several boats are painted out at sea, with no two alike. Some transport finely dressed individuals to the larger city in vessels adorned with ornaments and tassels, while others are comprised only of scantily clad rowers in a simple boat. Each ship faces right, heading towards the larger city; the villagers in the smaller city are also facing right (for the most part), watching them flow away. The finely dressed citizens, decorations, and vast number of individuals suggest that a festival may be being held. These observations also add to the lively, celebratory mood of the piece. In conclusion, the Flotilla Fresco is a positive painting about a place, its people, and nature. The mural utilizes color, texture, and overlapping shapes to convey emotion, activity, environments, and detail. In addition, the painting forever commemorates a love or pride for this land, its natural beauty, and its community. The Flotilla Fresco is full of energy, color, and life, hints at celebration and harmony between man and nature, and displays a kind of nationalism for a homeland. Originally written: 16 December 2015
Thomas Eakins’ painting, The Gross Clinic, was created in 1875 with oil on an 8’ by 6’5 canvas; the painting is of five surgeons operating in a full, shadowy classroom. Eakins utilizes a dark, thematic color palette and gruesome subject matter to initiate a discussion and to produce a lot of emotion in his painting. With his style, color choice, figure placement, and detailed expressions, Eakins makes a statement about surgical practitioners and the public’s view of them. First, the Gross Clinic is made up of dark shadows, muted colors, and one large ray of light. The background is eerie, with several men hidden in tiered seating and two lingering in the doorway; hints of white and flesh colored paint subtly highlight cheekbones, foreheads, and chins, alerting the viewer of their substantial presence. The individuals appear to be in an educational setting and are painted with varying hair styles, facial expressions, and postures. Some men watch rather inattentively, leaning into a palm or fist, whereas others take notes, or watch intensely; one man in the doorway even leans on a wall, as if slightly swooning. I believe that the bored looks of the students signify their built up resistance to morbid scenes; additionally, I think that Eakins painted them all in the shadows to symbolize how surgeon’s immunity to gore frightens the public and makes them appear uncaring or monstrous. Second, out of the many figures, only seven are displayed in the light and accentuated: a student, five surgeons, and a woman. Four of these surgeons are working on a human thigh, using towels, scalpels, and other tools. The body is exceedingly pale and its incised portion bleeds meagerly; I would think that this body was a fresh corpse, if the woman was not present. The woman is severely repulsed and upset by the scene, averting her gaze, covering her face with an arm, and cringing. Due to her extreme reaction, and the fact that she is a woman in a typically ‘male-only’ setting, I believe that she is related to the living body in some familial way. Additionally, the woman is wearing a blue head covering and a dark green gown instead of mourning clothes, which would have been improper if there had been a death in the family. hird, the most important figure in the painting is the older gentleman, because he is the largest, lightest figure, and also stands close to the painting’s center. As the focal point, he is portrayed as strong, solemn, and valiant, with one hand resting on the surgical table, and the other poised with a scalpel, bare fingertips moistened with blood. Although grim in appearance, he dons a tight, small smile, as if satisfied by his work and the reactions elicited. He is also very old and tired looking, which could indicate his wealth of knowledge and the burden of his occupation. With his contrary portrayal, I believe that Eakins thinks that the surgical profession is chilling and difficult to carry out, but also admirable and heroic. In conclusion, with the figures and color choices in mind, I believe that Eakins is commenting on several groups of people. The students in the dark represent the public’s fear of becoming used to gruesome scenes or becoming unfeeling. The woman was placed in the image to represent society’s emotions; she shirks away from the surgeons and the scene, much like I believe the public feared, distrusted, and avoided that type of medical practice. The standing surgeon/teacher is a representative of the surgical occupation and is the most important figure in the painting; he is formidable in his dark suit and gore splatter, but is also calm, serious, proud, and portrayed heroically, with light shining down on him with approval. His more frightening aspects derive from society’s views on surgery as a terrifying, uncertain, and maybe even evil, practice. However, Eakins’ portrayal makes the surgeon an ominous savior, and provokes discussion on the more positive aspects of surgery and surgeons. Originally written on: 14 July 2016 Religious paintings from the early Italian Renaissance were divided into two separate categories: images and stories. Following tradition, “an image was a representation of a person, [like] a saint, and was often used as a focus for devotion, while a story was a narrative [that displayed] an event, and its main purpose was [to be educational and moralizing]” (Hope). Images were typically comprised of one or more stoic, religious figures placed in a static posture and environment. These pieces of artwork were intended to represent eternal ideals and individuals, and were used as a tool for meditation and prayer. Stories, however, could be much more dramatic and dynamic, covering topics like the creation and fall of man, or the crucifixion of Jesus. Stories were often used to remind its viewers of biblical stories’ modern relevance— placing contemporary figures and settings within the artwork—and were also used for political reasons by the wealthy or influential. One popular narrative depicted during the Renaissance was the Adoration of the Magi (or the Eucharistic Adoration); the Adoration details the journey of three kings that follow a star to find and worship the Jewish messiah, bringing with them gifts of gold, frankincense, and myrrh. This biblical narrative, based on Matthew 2:1-12, is often split into two parts, but has been divided into four: the meeting, the procession, the adoration, and the dream. Several artists from the Italian Renaissance have brought this image to life through marble, stone, fresco, and tempera, each obtaining a very different outcome. Gentile da Fabriano’s Adoration of the Magi (1423) and Sandro Botticelli’s Adoration of the Magi (1475- 1476) are interesting to compare, as they are a generation apart, use different narrative techniques to tell a story through paint, and both recount the same information while emphasizing distinct aspects. Gentile was well known for “lavish paintings in the courtly tradition” (Adams, 85), utilizing the deepest, most vibrant colors available and pairing them with ornately patterned surfaces/textures. He often painted dreamy individuals with rounded, soft faces and heavy-lidded eyes, and had an attention to detail when forming landscapes, clothing, and animals (the J. Paul Getty Museum). His altarpiece painting, Adoration of the Magi, was created near the end of his life, in 1423, at the request of Palla Strozzi. Strozzi was a very influential—and also the wealthiest—Florentine man who wanted to surpass the Medici family’s image of grandeur through the commission of an elaborate and extremely expensive piece of artwork (Adams, 85). For his work, Gentile was paid 300 florins (Hollingsworth, 41). Gentile painted in the International Gothic style, which featured exoticism, nature, crowded imagery, and luxurious materials (Adams, 86). Due to this, the story begins in the elaborate background, starting in the left and following the procession across the main panel, to the right. The painting is a continuous narrative (or pictorial déjà vu), chronicling the magi in five places and their procession in four locations, causing the image to become confusing. The repetitive characters display movement through time, from one event to the next, and are not meant to be literally shown as being in several places at once. Yet, the sense of depth and realistic imagery Gentile achieves conflicts with the pictorial déjà vu, but leads to heightened naturalism and episodic story-telling (Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art). This painting, like most Renaissance art, requires knowledge of religious texts, contemporary figures, and symbols to fully understand the narrative. To begin, atop a large rock on the left, the three kings stand staring up at the sky, where the prophesized star is located. The addition of soldiers killing a young, well-dressed man (perhaps Herod’s son), a castle with a walled city, and a sea filled with boats alludes to the kingdom of Herod. The viewer’s eye is then drawn to the right, following the curving line of figures to the middle arch. A large city is rendered on top of a hill, which would have been recognized as Jerusalem (Khan Academy). The transition to the third arch is not continuous or directed by movement, but is abrupt; this could be due to a space issue—for the panel is packed with figures and scenery—or could be intentional, although for an unknown reason. The interruption of visual movement halts the narrative, and instead of drawing the viewer towards the procession through Bethlehem, they are lead towards the main section of the altarpiece. The center exhibits the procession up close, providing a lot of detail and symbolism. This section shows the magi offering gifts to the baby Jesus and kneeling in worship, but the scene is not rendered in a traditional manner. First, not all figures are historic/religious and most characters are adorned in contemporary fashion. Their clothing’s textile patterns and their exotic animal companions highlight their foreign nature, conveying their journey from the East. The Renaissance-styled garments connect the story to the current era, commenting on the birth’s everlasting relevance. Nevertheless, this disconnect of past and present is essential, because it not only denotes pertinence, but displays the great distance the kings have traveled to show respect and allegiance—a message to viewers on the extent of their religious fervor and dedication. Additionally, their elaborate entourage and garments separate them from the holy figures. Mary, Joseph, and baby Jesus’ only ornate adornments are the golden halos above their heads, implying that their wealth is predominantly found within their spirit, though they are also worthy of earthly possessions. Strozzi largely used the commission as a display of great piety, but also wanted other messages included. Strozzi is depicted within the painting as one of the magi’s courtiers (behind the third magi and holding a falcon), “reminding viewers of [his] diplomatic credentials” (Khan Academy), as well as his devoutness and involvement with the church. The bird in his hand represents his family, because in Tuscan strozzieri translates into falconer. The Strozzi family crest is also represented on the bridle of the right-most, white horse, which is decorated by a golden, crescent moon (Khan Academy). Lastly, the hound found in the lower right corner associates Strozzi with loyalty and dependability. Botticelli’s version of the Adoration of the Magi is much different than Gentile’s in several ways, many of which are due to technical and stylistic advancements in Renaissance art. First, Botticelli worked with a new kind of paint—oil paint—that could be layered, did not dry as quickly, and had a greater transparency. Oil paint allowed him to work with brighter, more saturated colors and in a more three-dimensional manner than Gentile, who had to rely on gold leaf to accentuate his colors and brighten his image. Second, Botticelli’s painting is a monoscenic narrative, which is a style that relies on aerial and linear perspective, realism, and one unified scene with references to the past and future to tell a story (Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art). Monoscenic narrative ended the use of predella panels as spaces for allusions to different parts of one or more stories (as can be seen in Gentile’s piece). These additional scenes were replaced with symbolic images in the background or as smaller details within the main scene. “...By consolidating distinct episodes within a single, unified composition, [Botticelli] creates a sense of narrative flow that deepens [the viewer’s] perception of the central scene” (Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art), while also providing a less crowded and confusing composition. Botticelli uses his figures’ positions to denote movement instead of repetition; his characters face in different directions, with varying expressions and gestures demonstrated by arm, leg, and head placement, drawing the eye from figure to figure and left to right.
Unlike Gentile’s version, Botticelli emphasizes the religious connotations more and paints less elaborately, while also placing contemporary aspects within the ancient scene and commenting on relevancy. Botticelli places Mary, Joseph, and baby Jesus in the center of the composition, making them the focus of the piece. Gentile’s use of gold and his lightly colored magi in the panel’s center takes away from the viewer’s focus on the religious figures. Similarly, Botticelli separates the holy figures from the contemporary ones through their clothing, but also through placement. Mary and Joseph are clad in traditional, ancient clothing, whereas all other figures are dressed in fine cloth fixed in contemporary styles. More importantly, the holy family is raised above all other figures, emphasizing their status. However, the religious characters are depicted as normal, real humans without halos; they are shown as being “divine...yet accessible, holy and yet human” (Cummings). The Adoration of the Magi was commissioned by Guaspare di Zanobi Del Lama for his chapel on the inner façade Santa Maria Novella dedicated to the Magi, with help from the bankers’ guild. The commissioners were supporters of the Medici family, which heavily influenced its content. Del Lama requested that the Medici family be depicted within the painting, making it not only a religious piece, but a political one (Capretti). The Medici family is portrayed around the holy family, with Cosimo displayed as the eldest, most distinguished Magi, Lorenzo placed on his left, and other family members visible within the crowd. This choice conveys the Medici’s great political power and prestige. Humanist figures, such as Angelo Poliziano and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, are also recognizable in the group, as well as del Lama. Unlike Gentile, who provided neither a recognizable portrait or signature, Botticelli painted himself on the far right (dressed in yellow), recording the story of who created the image and what he may have looked like (Adams, 231). In conclusion, Gentile and Botticelli depicted the same Biblical story with political overtones, but emphasized different characteristics and used different techniques. Gentile focused on grandeur and detail, using gold leaf to create luminosity, symbols for story details, and repetition for movement. Botticelli, however, focused on realism and the importance of both the religious and political figures, utilizing character positioning for movement, the capabilities of oil paint for rendering, and symbolism for important story elements. Both artists carry on the ancient tradition of storytelling, each displaying an understandable narrative successfully, though in strikingly distinct ways. Works Cited Adams, Laurie Schneider. Italian Renaissance Art (Second Edition). Boulder: Westview Press, 2014. Print. Capretti, Elena. “‘Adoration of the Magi’, by Sandro Botticelli.” Mediateca di Palazzo Medici Riccardi. Provincia di Firenze, 20 March 2009. Web. Cummings, Erica. “Adoration of the Magi by Botticelli: Analysis & Overview.” Study.com. Web. Hollingsworth, Mary. Patronage in Renaissance Italy: From 1400 to the Early Sixteenth Century. Thistle Publishing, 2014. Print. Hope, Charles. “Religious Narrative in Renaissance Art.” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 134.5364 (1986): 804-18. Web. Khan Academy. “Gentile da Fabriano, Adoration of the Magi.” Khan Academy. Web. Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art. “Continuous Narrative: Pictorial Déjà Vu.” Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art. Web. Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art. “Monoscenic Narratives: The Unification of Pictorial Space.” Oxford University Press and the National Gallery of Art. Web. The J. Paul Getty Museum. “Gentile da Fabriano.” The J. Paul Getty Museum. Web. |
AuthorKristen Puckett Archives
August 2018
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